Still in order not to bother oneself with checking the condition every time, a strategy of finding maximum possible k can be adopted. Such process comes to an end when all n banks have defaulted which happens at the step n Hence, in any possible cascading process the final amount of capital of institution j after all losses have been accounted for can be described as a vector. And the set of insolvent institutions is represented by.
The default contagion process defined above transmits the initial default of one institution to several others. Thus, its effect can be measured as the total amount of losses incurred throughout the whole system:. The Default Impact of a financial institution is the total loss in capital after the end of the Loss cascade process triggered by the default of i:.
The final remark of Definition 2 points out the fact that the losses of initially defaulted institutions are not included in calculation of Default Impact as they are out of interest for studying the effects of contagion and systematic importance of the institution.
It is also possible to model a situation with the initial default of several institutions instead of just one. In this case the only change is that the Default Impact is calculated excluding losses of all Fundamental defaulted institutions. In addition to that, the process's length is reduced and so the model programmed calculation part can be optimized.
When m institutions default at the very first step the final amount of capital of institution after all losses have been accounted for is described as a vector. Moreover, the provided formula for calculating Default Impact is not the only reasonable one.
It was expressed in terms of total losses of capital whereas it could have been calculated in terms of the amount of deposits lost. This approach may be particularly important for monetary authorities or other specialized agencies which are responsible for deposit insurance. In this way Default Impact is:. Also note that in such form Default Impact does include the depository loss of the fundamentally defaulted institution s. This is so because the purpose of the indicator in such form is to show the amount of funds the responsible authorities will have to spend for compensation of lost deposits.
Understandably, there exist very different systems of deposit insurance in various countries and especially there are maximum sums let's denote them max that are covered by the insurance. That is why the simple sum of deposits may not be a telling figure. Still it shows the upper bound of the required payments; and in the case of a need of a more accurate figure Central Bank may ask for such information for example, the monetary amounts of insured deposits that are? A few other points should be clarified.
The model can only be used to examine short-run effects of default contagion. That is it takes into consideration only immediate changes in balance sheets of banks because of defaults of their debtors while it totally omits possible long-run effects of a loss which have not led to default. For example, if bank's loss is huge but it is able to survive confidence of its depositors will likely be undermined which could finally lead to a default. There is another implication of the fact that the model is a short-run one.
As it has already been stated, the whole process of the defaulted bank liquidation could last for quite a long time. This in turn means that in the short-run no single creditor would be able to recover any amount of the residual value of the defaulted institution. In any case the value of R must be chosen in the most reasonable and suitable way.
It can be noticed that the magnitude of contagion default and therefore the value of the Default Index depends on the amount of capital reserves that is held by different financial institutions as a safety cushion. That is if the capital reserves of some bank are small, even a minor exposure will pose a great threat to the stability of the bank direct implication of insolvency condition - the smaller is the capital buffer the greater is the probability of a default of the institution due to default of its debtor s.
However, the amount of such capital buffers is not always under direct control of the financial institution itself. The amount is also dependent on the state of the economy as a whole. In case of an adverse macroeconomic shock unfavourable stress scenario some of banks' assets might deteriorate due to their dropped value. This in turn makes banks to cover the decreased value of their assets by capital.
In this way macroeconomic shocks not only increase market risks by generating correlated losses across bank portfolios but also contribute to amplifying the severity of contagion and to destabilization of the whole interbank network. This indicates that both contagion effects and macroeconomic scenarios should be incorporated in the model so that to properly measure systemic risk in interbank networks.
In order to add macroeconomic shocks to the model it is suggested by Cont et al. As it has already been stated, banks' similar exposures result in the fact that macroeconomic shocks affect bank portfolios in a highly correlated way. The correlation has been found to be significantly positive in many banking systems over the world.
Even more so, many stress tests have shown that the correlation is not just strong but sometimes it occurs to be perfect. So, combining all the facts authors suggest to use a co-monotonic model for macroeconomic shocks. In principle other specifications are possible for example, static or dynamic, copula-based or factor-based but authors underline that representing macro shocks in a co-monotonic way allows obtaining some desirable for further analyses monotonicity properties.
Hence, using the co-monotonic form the capital loss of a financial institution i can be represented as follows:. For every macroeconomic stress scenario, defined by a vector of capital losses , it is possible to compute the value of Default Impact of a financial institution i in the same way as it is shown in Definition 2 but now with the decreased, due to macroeconomic shock, capital buffers.
The macroeconomic stress scenario corresponds to a very negative value of random variable Z. For example, it could be described by a low quantile of Z:.
Now it is possible to define an indicator which shows the consequences of default contagion and systemic importance of each particular financial institution under the condition of macroeconomic shocks. The Contagion Index at confidence level q of institution is defined as its expected Default Impact in a market stress scenario:.
Thus, the Contagion Index , representing the expected loss of capital in the entire banking system conditional on the severity of macroeconomic stress, takes into account both default cascade process and possible macro shocks. The Contagion Index is measured in terms of capital while it could be easily expressed in terms of lost deposits by defining Default Impact as in 6. It is also worth noting that from the specification 7 of the capital loss caused by macroeconomic instability: which means that defaults are not caused exclusively by the macroeconomic shocks.
The face is round, the mouth large, and the chin small and receding. The cheek-bones are prominent, the eyes almond-shaped, oblique upwards and outwards, and the hair coarse, lank and invariably black. The beard appears late in life, and remains generally scanty. The eyebrows are straight and the iris of the eye is black. The nose is generally short, broad and flat. The hands and feet are disproportionately small, and the body early inclines to obesity.
The complexion varies from an almost pale-yellow to a dark-brown, without any red or ruddy tinge. Yellow, however, predominates. A few words may be added concerning the Manchus, who are the ruling race in China. Their ethnic affinities are not precisely known, but they may be classed among the Ural-Altaic tribes, although the term Ural-Altaic q. By some authorities they are called Tung-tatze, i. Eastern Tatars—the Tatars of to-day being of true Mongol descent.
Some authorities regard the Khitans whence the European form Cathay , who in the 9th and 10th centuries dwelt in the upper Liao region, as the ancestors of this race. It was not until the 16th century that the people became known generally as Manchus and obtained possession of the whole of the country now bearing their name see Manchuria. They had then a considerable mixture of Chinese and Korean blood, but had developed a distinct nationality and kept their ancient Ural-Altaic language.
In China the Manchus retained their separate nationality and semi-military organization. It was not until the early years of the 20th century that steps were officially taken to obliterate the distinction between the two races.
The Manchus are a more robust race than the inhabitants of central and southern China, but resemble those of northern China save that their eyes are horizontally set. They are a lively and enterprising people, but have not in general the intellectual or business ability of the Chinese. They are courteous in their relations with strangers. The common people are frugal and industrious.
The Manchu family is generally large. The Manchus have no literature of their own, but as the language of the court Manchu has been extensively studied in China. Davies, China 2 vols. Ravenstein and A. Douglas, Society in China London, ; J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese 2 vols.
Giles, China and the Chinese ; E. Bard, Les Chinois chez eux Paris, ; A. Millington, London, ; L. The earliest traces of religious thought and practice in China point to a simple monotheism. There was a Divine Ruler of the universe, abiding on high, beyond the ken of man. This Power was not regarded as the Creator of the human race, but as a Supreme Being to whom wickedness The ancient faith. If a man did his duty towards his neighbour, he might pass his whole time on earth oblivious of the fact that such a Power was in existence; unless perchance he wished to obtain some good or attain some end, in which case he might seek to propitiate Him by sacrifice and prayer.
There was no Devil to tempt man astray, and to rejoice in his fall; neither was there any belief that righteous behaviour in this world would lead at death to absorption in the Deity. To God, understood in this sense, the people gave the name Tien , which in the colloquial language was used of the sky; and when, in the first stages of the written character, it became necessary to express the idea of Tien , they did not attempt any vague picture of the heavens, but set down the rude outline of a man.
Perhaps about this period the title Shang Ti , or Supreme Ruler, came into vogue as synonymous with Tien. Tien is far more an abstract Being, while Shang Ti partakes rather of the nature of a personal God, whose anthropomorphic nature is much more strongly accentuated.
Shang Ti is described as walking and talking, as enjoying the flavour of sacrifices, as pleased with music and dancing in his honour, and even as taking sides in warfare; whereas Tien holds aloof, wrapped in an impenetrable majesty, an ignotum pro mirifico. So much for religion in primeval days, gathered scrap by scrap from many sources; for nothing like a history of religion is to be found in Chinese literature.
Gradually to this monotheistic conception was added a worship of the sun, moon and constellations, of the five planets, and of such noticeable individual stars as e. Canopus, which is now looked upon as the home of the God of Longevity.
Earth, too—Mother Earth—came in for her share of worship, indicated especially by the God of the Soil, and further distributed among rivers and hills. Wind, rain, heat, cold, thunder and lightning, as each became objects of desire or aversion, were invested with the attributes of deities. Side by side with such sacrificial rites was the worship of ancestors, stretching so far back that its origin is not discernible in such historical documents as we possess.
In early times only the emperor, or the feudal nobles, or certain high officials, could sacrifice to the spirits of nature; the common people sacrificed to their own ancestors and to the spirits of their own homes. For three days before performing such sacrifices, a strict vigil with purification was maintained; and by the expiration of that time, from sheer concentration of thought, the mourner was able to see the spirits of the departed, and at the sacrifice next day seemed to hear their movements and even the murmur of their sighs.
Ancestral worship in China has always been, and still is, worship in the strict sense of the term. It is not a memorial service in simple honour of the dead; but sacrifices are offered, and the whole ceremonial is performed that the spirits of former ancestors may be induced to extend their protection to the living and secure to them as many as possible of the good things of this world. For Confucianism, which cannot, strictly speaking, be classed as a religion, see Confucius.
His disciples, however, of later days proceeded to interpret the term in the sense of the Absolute, the First Cause, and finally as One, in whose obliterating unity all seemingly opposed conditions of time and space were indistinguishably blended.
By and by, this One came to be regarded as a fixed point of dazzling luminosity in remote ether, around which circled for ever and ever, in the supremest glory of motion, the souls of those who had left the slough of humanity behind them. These transcendental notions were entirely corrupted at a very early date by the introduction of belief in an elixir of life, and later still by the practice of alchemistic experiments. Opposed by Buddhism, which next laid a claim for a share in the profits of popular patronage, Taoism rapidly underwent a radical transformation.
It is as though one took a jewel from the other, and the loser recouped the loss with a stone. As to their temples, priests and ceremonial, it takes an expert to distinguish one from the other.
There is no trustworthy information as to the exact date at which Buddhism first reached China. It is related that the emperor Ming Ti A.
This shows that Buddhism must then have been known to the Chinese, at any rate by hearsay. The earliest alleged appearance of Buddhism in China dates from B.
They escaped through the miraculous intervention of a golden man, who came to them in the middle of the night and opened their prison doors.
It is, however, convenient to begin with the alleged dream of Ming Ti, as it was only subsequent to that date that Buddhism became a recognized religion of the people. It is certain that in A. During the next two hundred and fifty years an unbroken line of foreign priests came to China to continue the task of translation, and to assist in spreading the faith.
Still, the train of Indian missionaries, moving in the opposite direction, did not cease. Dying in , his body was cremated, as is still usual with priests, but his tongue, which had done such eminent service during life, remained unharmed in the midst of the flames.
Summoned to Nanking, he offended the emperor by asserting that real merit lay, not in works, but solely in purity and wisdom combined. He therefore retired to Lo-yang, crossing the swollen waters of the Yangtsze on a reed, a feat which has ever since had a great fascination for Chinese painters and poets. There he spent the rest of his life, teaching that religion was not to be learnt from books, but that man should seek and find the Buddha in his own heart.
Thus Buddhism gradually made its way. It had to meet first of all the bitter hostility of the Taoists; and secondly, the fitful patronage and opposition of the court. Other emperors, instigated by Confucian advisers, went to the opposite extreme of persecution, closed all religious houses, confiscated their property, and forced the priests and nuns to return to the world. From about the 11th century onwards Buddhism has enjoyed comparative immunity from attack or restriction, and it now covers the Chinese empire from end to end.
The form under which it appears in China is to some extent of local growth; that is to say, the Chinese have added and subtracted not a little to and from the parent stock. The cleavage which took place under Kanishka, ruler of the Indo-Scythian empire, about the 1st century A. The former, which spread northwards and on to Nepaul, Tibet, China, Mongolia and Japan, leaving southern India, Burma and Siam to its rival, began early to lean towards the deification of Buddha as a personal Saviour.
Such is the form of this religion which prevails in China, of which, however, the Chinese layman understands nothing.
He pays his fees and departs, absolutely ignorant of the history or dogmas of the religion to which he looks for salvation in a future state. All such knowledge, and there is now not much of it, is confined to a few of the more cultured priests. The 7th century seems to have been notable in the religious history of China.
But the harvest of converts was insignificant; the religion failed to hold its ground, and in the 9th century disappeared altogether. Mahommedans first settled in China in the Year of the Mission, A.
The first mosque was built at Canton, where after several restorations, it still exists. Another mosque was erected in ; but many of the Mahommedans went to China merely as traders, and afterwards returned to their own country.
The true stock of the present Chinese Mahommedans was a small army of Arab soldiers sent by the caliph Abu Giafar  in to aid in putting down a rebellion.
These soldiers had permission to settle in China, where they married native wives; and four centuries later, with the conquests of Jenghiz Khan, large numbers of Arabs penetrated into the empire and swelled the Mahommedan community. Further, the establishment of a monastery was authorized, to be served by twenty-one priests. For more than a century after this, Nestorian Christianity seems to have flourished in China. The date of the tablet seems to mark the zenith of Nestorian Christianity in China; after this date it began to decay.
Marco Polo refers to it as existing in the 13th century; but then it fades out of sight, leaving scant traces in Chinese literature of ever having existed. Subsequently, a number of such chapels were opened at various centres; but little is known of the history of this religion, which is often confounded by Chinese writers with Mazdeism, the fate of which it seems to have shared, also disappearing about the middle of the 9th century.
Wild stories have been told of their arrival in China seven centuries before the Christian era, after one of the numerous upheavals mentioned in the Old Testament; and again, of their having carried the Pentateuch to China Judaism. The Jews really reached China for the first time in the year A. There they seem to have lived peaceably, enjoying the protection of the authorities and making some slight efforts to spread their tenets. There their descendants were found, a dwindling community, by the Jesuit Fathers of the 17th century; and there again they were visited in by a Protestant mission, which succeeded in obtaining from them Hebrew rolls of parts of the Pentateuch in the square character, with vowel points.
After this, it was generally believed that the few remaining stragglers, who seemed to be entirely ignorant of everything connected with their faith, had become merged in the ordinary population. See H. Hackmann, Buddhism as a Religion ; H. Giles, Religions of Ancient China ; G.
Freedom to embrace the Christian faith has been guaranteed by the Chinese government since , and as a rule the missionaries have free scope in teaching and preaching, though local disturbances Christian missions. The educational system of China till nearly the close of the 19th century was confined in its scope to the study of Chinese classics. Elementary instruction was not provided by the state. The well-to-do engaged private tutors for their sons; the poorer boys were taught in small schools on a voluntary basis.
No curriculum was compulsory, but the books used and the programme pursued followed a traditional rule. The boys there were no schools for girls began by memorizing the classics for four or five years. Then followed letter-writing and easy composition. This completed the education of the vast majority of the boys not intended for the public service. The chief merit of the system was that it developed the memory and the imitative faculty.
At prefectural cities and provincial capitals colleges were maintained at the public expense, and at these institutions a more or less thorough knowledge of the classics might be obtained. At the public examinations held periodically the exercises proposed were original poems and literary essays. The last degree was given to those who passed the final examination at Peking, and the successful candidates were also called metropolitan graduates.
The first education on western lines was given by the Roman Catholic missionaries. In they founded a college for the education of native priests; they also founded and maintained many primary and some higher schools—mainly if not exclusively for the benefit of their converts. The Protestant missions followed the example of the Roman Catholics, but a new departure, which has had a wide success, was initiated by the American Protestant missionary societies in founding schools—primary and higher—and colleges in which western education was given equally to all comers, Christian or non-Christian.
Universities and medical schools have also been established by the missionary societies. They also initiated a movement for the education of girls and opened special schools for their instruction. Missionary effort apart, the first step towards western education was the establishment of two colleges in , one at Peking, the other at Canton in connexion with the imperial maritime customs. Similar schools were established at Canton, Fuchow and one or two other places, with but indifferent results.
A more promising plan was conceived in , or thereabouts, by the then viceroy of Nanking, who sent a batch of thirty or forty students to America to receive a regular training on the understanding that on their return they would receive official appointments. The promise was not kept. A report was spread that these students were becoming too much Americanized. They were hastily recalled, and when they returned they were left in obscurity.
His scheme was to make Chinese learning the foundation on which a western education should be imparted. But after the Boxer rising the Peking government adopted his views, and in regulations were issued for the reform of the old system of public instruction. The new educational movement gained enormously in strength as the result of the Russo-Japanese War, and in a new system, theoretically almost perfect, was established. The new system comprises the study of the Chinese language, literature and composition, modern sciences, history and geography, foreign languages,  gymnastics, drill and, in the higher grades, political economy, and civil and international law.
By primary and secondary government schools and schools for special subjects such as agriculture and engineering had been established in considerable numbers. In every province an Imperial University was also established. A medical school was founded at Peking in through the energy of British Protestant missionaries, and is called the Union Medical College.
The general verdict of foreign observers on the working of the new system up to was that in many instances the teaching was ineffective, but there were notable exceptions. The best teachers, next to Europeans, were foreign or mission-trained Chinese. The Japanese employed as teachers were often ignorant of Chinese and were not as a rule very successful.
A remarkable indication of the thirst for western learning and culture was the translation into Chinese and their diffusion throughout the country of numerous foreign standard and other works, including modern fiction.
The Peking Gazette , which is sometimes called the oldest paper in the world, is not a newspaper in the ordinary sense, but merely a court gazette for publishing imperial decrees and such public documents as the government may wish to give out. It never contains original articles nor any discussion of public affairs. Chinese speculation under foreign protection, the first editor being an Englishman.
It was some years before it made much headway, but success came, and it was followed by various imitators, some published at Shanghai, some at other treaty ports and at Hong-Kong. In there were over daily, weekly or monthly journals in China. The effect of this mass of literature on the public mind of China is of first-rate importance. The attitude of the central government towards the native press is somewhat undefined. Official registration of a newspaper is required before postal facilities are given.
There are no press laws, but as every official is a law unto himself in these matters, there is nothing to prevent him from summarily suppressing an obnoxious newspaper and putting the editor in prison. The empress-dowager revoked this decree, and declared that the public discussion of affairs of state in the newspapers was an impertinence, and ought to be suppressed.
Nevertheless the newspapers continued to flourish, and their outspoken criticism had a salutary effect on the public and on the government. France also provides child benefit for two children or more aged under 20, regardless of employment history. If the disabled person has worked for less than one year and has minimal resources, they can also claim the RSA as well as housing benefits. Disability benefits are also available for parents looking after disabled children under 20 who are living at home.
Anyone who has paid those premiums for at least one year over the past 24 months is entitled to unemployment benefit. The duration of benefit payments varies according to how long you have paid into the system and your age.
Those under 50 can claim for one year, those aged can claim for 15 months, those 55 or older for 18 months and two years for those over 58, as long as they have paid in for at least 48 months. Thereafter, if a person remains unemployed and wishes to continue claiming benefits, they receive a flat-rate unemployment benefit called Arbeitslosengeld II ALG II , which is meant to ensure minimum income standards.
Benefit levels are reviewed every January, to ensure they are in line with the cost of living. If employees cannot work due to illness, employers will continue to pay their salary for six weeks, after which healthcare insurance, or Krankengeld, kicks in. Sick pay is financed by equal contributions from employer and employee of Employees can also claim up to 10 days sick pay per child.
Where the disability is longer-term, individuals receive a pension regardless of age. This is payable until the age of 65, unless the old-age pension kicks in before then. However, it is very difficult to claim successfully. Health insurance covers all comprehensive medical care benefits, including the total cost of physical rehabilitation and necessary appliances.
Those with a disability, who are unable to work more than three hours a day, are eligible for a disability pension as long as they have contributed to the social security scheme for a minimum of five years. Those unable to work more than six hours a day are entitled to a partial pension. Disabled people are entitled to health treatment via the nationwide health insurance scheme at no extra cost, but must have been paying into the system prior to the disability. Seriously disabled people are entitled to further allowances and special employment protection.
Disabled children are automatically insured with their parents in the health insurance scheme without having to pay any additional costs. Children and students with disabilities are entitled to various rights, including wheelchair access and a sign language translator in certain circumstances.
Companies receive benefits and tax breaks for employing people with disabilities. There are also penalties for failure to attend meetings aimed to get you back to work. The overarching criteria for disability allowance is that individuals are residents of Ireland and have a disability that is expected to last for at least one year and substantially restricts a person from undertaking work that would otherwise be suitable for them.
Those with children receive extra. As a result, only the most active elements, whose Ionization Energies are low, can form ionic hydrides, e. This comes about as a result of the interelectronic repulsion when a second electron is added to the 1s atomic orbital. Saline hydrides are formed by the group 1 and 2 metals when heated with dihydrogen H 2. They are white, high melting point solids that react immediately with protic solvents, for example:.
Their moisture sensitivity means that reaction conditions must be water-free. Evidence for the ionic nature of these hydrides is: 1 molten salts show ionic conductivity.
Such a dispersion is safer to handle and weigh than pure NaH. The compound can be used in this form but the pure grey solid can be prepared by rinsing the oil with pentane or tetrahydrofuran, THF, care being taken because the washings will contain traces of NaH that can ignite in air.
Reactions involving NaH require an inert atmosphere, such as nitrogen or argon gas. Typically NaH is used as a suspension in THF, a solvent that resists deprotonation but solvates many organosodium compounds. These find wide scope and utility in organic chemistry as reducing agents.
The solid is dangerously reactive toward water, releasing gaseous hydrogen H 2. Some related derivatives have been discussed for hydrogen storage. Millions of kilograms are produced annually, far exceeding the production levels of any other hydride reducing agent. Most typically, it is used in the laboratory for converting ketones and aldehydes to alcohols.
For example, reduction of acetone propanone to give propanol. Hydrogen forms a vast number of compounds with carbon, the hydrocarbons , and an even larger array with heteroatoms that, because of their general association with living things, are called organic compounds. The study of their properties is covered in organic chemistry and their study in the context of living organisms is covered in biochemistry. Millions of hydrocarbons are known, and they are usually formed by complicated synthetic pathways, which seldom involve direct reaction with elementary hydrogen.
Most molecular hydrides are volatile and many have simple structures that can be predicted by the VSEPR model. In inorganic chemistry, hydrides can serve as bridging ligands that link two metal centers in a coordination complex. This function is particularly common in group 13 elements, especially in boranes boron hydrides and aluminium complexes, as well as in clustered carboranes, composed of boron, carbon and hydrogen atoms.
The bonding of the bridging hydrogens in many of the boranes is explained in terms of 3 centre — 2 electron bonds. Diborane mixes well with air, easily forming explosive mixtures. Diborane will ignite spontaneously in moist air at room temperature. These systems are usually non-stoichiometric, with variable amounts of hydrogen atoms in the lattice.
Structural studies show that the absorbed H fits into octahedral holes in the cubic close packed Pd lattice with a non-stoichiometric formula approximating to PdH 0. This material has been considered as a means to carry hydrogen for vehicular fuel cells.
Interstitial hydrides show some promise as a way for safe hydrogen storage. During the last 25 years many interstitial hydrides have been developed that readily absorb and discharge hydrogen at room temperature and atmospheric pressure. At this stage their application is still limited, as they are capable of storing only about 2 weight percent of hydrogen, insufficient for automotive applications.
A hydrogen bond is the name given to the electrostatic attraction between polar molecules that occurs when a hydrogen H atom bound to a highly electronegative atom such as nitrogen N , oxygen O or fluorine F experiences attraction to some other nearby highly electronegative atom. The name is something of a misnomer, as it represents a particularly strong dipole-dipole attraction, rather than a typical covalent bond.
These hydrogen-bond attractions can occur between molecules intermolecular or within different parts of a single molecule intramolecular. This type of bond can occur in inorganic molecules such as water and in organic molecules like DNA and proteins. Intramolecular hydrogen bonding is partly responsible for the secondary and tertiary structures of proteins and nucleic acids.
It plays an important role in the structure of polymers, both synthetic and natural. Base pairs, which form between specific nucleobases also termed nitrogenous bases , are the building blocks of the DNA double helix and contribute to the folded structure of both DNA and RNA. Dictated by specific hydrogen bonding patterns, Watson-Crick base pairs guanine-cytosine and adenine-thymine allow the DNA helix to maintain a regular helical structure that is subtly dependent on its nucleotide sequence.
The complementary nature of this based-paired structure provides a backup copy of all genetic information encoded within double-stranded DNA. Many DNA-binding proteins can recognize specific base pairing patterns that identify particular regulatory regions of genes. It is similarly the source of hydrogen in the manufacture of hydrochloric acid. Nitrogen is a strong limiting nutrient in plant growth. Carbon and oxygen are also critical, but are more easily obtained by plants from soil and air.
It was not until the early 20th century that Fritz Haber developed the first practical process to convert atmospheric nitrogen to ammonia, which is nutritionally available. Ammonia production is thus a significant component of the world energy budget. Nitrogen N 2 is very unreactive because the molecules are held together by strong triple bonds.
The Haber process relies on catalysts that accelerate the cleavage of this triple bond. Thus two opposing considerations are relevant to this synthesis. One possible solution is to raise the temperature, but because the reaction is exothermic, the equilibrium quickly becomes quite unfavourable at atmospheric pressure.
By increasing the pressure to around atm the equilibrium concentrations are altered to give a profitable yield. The reaction scheme, involving the heterogeneous catalyst, is believed to involve the following steps:. Experimental evidence suggests that reaction 2 is the slow, rate-determining step.
This is not unexpected given that the bond broken, the nitrogen triple bond, is the strongest of the bonds that must be broken. Iron is the second most abundant metal is nature after aluminium.
But native iron is extremely rare. Probably, the first iron used by our forefathers was of a meteoritic origin. Iron oxidizes readily in the presence of water and air and is found mainly in the form of oxides. Oxidation if iron is responsible for the fact that extent articles made of iron in antiquity are extremely rare.
Man discovered iron about five thousand years ago. At first iron was very expensive and was valued much higher than gold; very often iron jewelry was set in gold. People of all continents became aware of gold, silver, and copper approximately at the same time; but in the case of iron the situation is different.
Thus, in Egypt and Meso-potamia the process of extracting iron from ores was discovered two thousand years B. This is due to the difference in natural conditions. In countries where natural resources of copper and tin were small, a demand arose for replacing these metals. America had one of the largest deposits of native copper and, therefore, it was not necessary to search for new metals. Gradually, production of iron grew and iron began to pass from the category of precious metals into that of ordinary ones.
By the beginning of the Christian era iron was already widely used. Among all metals and alloys known by that time, iron was the hardest one. Therefore, as soon as iron grew relatively cheap, various tools and weapons were manufactured from it. At the beginning of the first millennium A. It is interesting to have a look at the development of iron production methods.
At first man used only meteoritic iron, which was very rare and therefore expensive. Then people learnt how to produce iron by intensively heating its ores with coal on windy sites. Iron thus obtained was spongy, of low grade, and with large inclusions of slag. An important step in iron production was made with the invention of a furnace open at the top and lined with a refractory material inside.
Excavations of ancient towns in Syria indicate that iron of a rather good quality was produced in this way. Later, people noted that cast iron which had been considered to be a waste product could be transformed into iron, the process requiring much less coal and yielding highquality iron.
By the end of the 15th century first smelting furnaces appeared producing exclusively cast iron. Iron and steel smelting processes were rapidly improving. In there appeared the converter process of steel making which is still used. The Martin process developed in yield steel almost free of slags. According to the French chemist M. Berthelot, mankind came to know copper more than five thousand years ago. Other scientists believe that this acquaintance is much older.
Copper and its alloy with tin bronze had for a long time been the most widely used metals. These two materials marked a whole epoch in the history of mankind—the Bronze Age. Why did copper play such an important part? Copper is fairly abundant in nature and can readily be worked. At first people used only native copper but later rising demand led to the processing of copper ores.
It is comparatively simple to smelt the metal from ores with high copper content. As early as the third millennium B. C copper was widely used for manufacturing various tools. The Egyptian Pyramid of Cheops was built with gigantic stone blocks each of which was hewn with copper tools. Among the copper mines of antiquity, the particularly famous ones were those on the island of Cyprus to which, as has been suggested, copper owes its name cuprum in Latin.
Only when man had learned to produce bronze, stone tools were completely replaced with bronze ones. Most likely bronze was first obtained by chance.
This is evidenced by the archaeological finds on the island of create dating back to about B. At first bronze was rather expensive and was used mainly for jewelry and luxury articles. In ancient Egypt mirrors were made from bronze. Bronze, like copper, proved to be an excellent material for relict makers and sculptors. As early as the 5 th century B. Particular progress in bronze sculpture was made in ancient Greece beginning with the Mycenaean period.
At our times copper and bronze still retain this role. Besides bronze, another wonderful copper alloy, brass, has been known for a long time. It was prepared by fusing copper with zinc ore. Bronze, and brass. Both copper and bronze were used for making weapons. In excavations dated back to the 8 th -6 th centuries B. In ancient Greece and Rome copper and bronze were also used for making shields and helmets.
Copper found other uses in firearms when they had been invented. Tellurium In the second half of the 18 th century a strange bluish—white ore was discovered in Austria or, to be more exact, in the part of it that was called Siebengebirge Seven Mountains.
Tungsten Although tungsten is also a rare element, it was discovered in the form of its oxide as early as the last quarter of the 18 th century. Molybdenum The molybdenum story is not rich in events. Barium Barium, as well as his analogues in the second group of the periodic table, is not encountered in nature in the native state. Manganese Manganese compounds and, in particular, its oxidepyrolusite MnO 2 —have been known from ancient times and used for making glass and pottery.
This is the earliest treaty recorded, and as all treaties, however different the conditions they contain, are concluded with the same forms, I will describe the forms with which this one was concluded as handed down by tradition. Alternatively, and far more commonly, there are numerous references to heroes confronting each other on the battlefield. Most notably there is Romulus defeating the king of the Caenina and winning the spolia opima for the first time.
Whilst they were scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying, Romulus came upon them with an army, and after a brief encounter taught them that anger is futile without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and following them up, killed their king and despoiled his body; then after slaying their leader took their city at the first assault. Additionally, there are countless other instances where key figures in the narrative find themselves engaged in combat, as with Mettius Curtius and Hostius Hostilius in the war against the Sabines, or the combat between Brutus and Arruns Tarquin following the removal of Tarquinius Superbus.
Ye gods, avengers of kings, aid me! Brutus saw that he was making for him. Although these types of duels likely contain a strong mythic element, scholars most notably Stephen Oakley have convincingly argued, based on continued evidence for duelling throughout the Republic, that this type of single combat represented a regular aspect of war within the Roman military system and should not be discounted so quickly.
The long tradition of the spolia opima in particular, which involves the Roman commander successfully defeating the enemy commander in single combat, hints that this type of interaction was not unheard of. Another intriguing aspect which emerges is the importance of families and clans in warfare. This is something which will be discussed in the next chapter in detail, but it is important to recognize here that families and clans seem to play a much larger role in warfare than the state during this period.
Arguably the most interesting and noteworthy difference between the more structural descriptions of the army and the evidence which can be gleaned from the rest of the narrative, is that the bulk of Roman military activity during the Regal period was evidently not centred on state goals or conquest of land, but rather seems to have been largely concerned with raiding for portable wealth.
Salmon in his great work on the subject, Roman Colonization Under the Republic, published in , followed the line of reasoning presented in Livy that Roman colonies planted during the Regal and early Republican periods were strategic in nature, used to secure territorial gains by the state.
Overall then, the narrative for early Roman warfare outside of the various authorial asides, which were likely added during the second and first centuries BC during the expansion of the historical narrative, paints a slightly different picture.
Battles themselves seem to have been a mixture of ambushes, raids and the occasional large scale engagements, but were generally open affairs with a significant amount of duelling and individual combat between aristocrats. The nature of warfare is therefore still extremely tribal and heroic where the state and community concerns seem to play a minimal role. Intriguingly though, there is no evidence in the narrative for any changes which might have resulted from the introduction of the Servian Constitution.
During the reign of Servius Tullius and the final Tarquin we do not find the expected shift towards large group engagements or formations, state-centred military goals, the emergence of a hoplite ethos in battle, etc.
Tarquinius Superbus, for instance, is reported as engaging in raiding against Ardea explicitly in order to acquire booty. The same can also be said of the actions of the young Sextus Tarquinius at Gabii and the vast majority of military actions in the early Republic. The archaeology for warfare in Latium during the Regal period is unfortunately limited and subject to a range of interpretations, but still provides an interesting parallel to the revised interpretation of the literature.
The military equipment discovered in Central Italy dating to the period, largely from Etruria but also found near rich Latin communities like Praeneste, often seems to corroborate the picture of military development presented by Livy and Dionysius.
Initial finds of swords, spears, axes and the occasional bits of bronze armour slowly seem to have given way to more complete bronze panoplies in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, often including large circular bronze shields and what appear to be hoplons. This sequence was clearly visible in Etruria, where identifiable hoplons — complete with the central porpax and antilabe grips, and in some instances with the wooden backing preserved — have been found.
Despite the absence of similar evidence from Rome, it was often thought something similar must have been present there, given the strong Etruscan influence on the city during the sixth century BC under the Tarquins.
The key factor in the use of the archaeology to support the literary model was the interpretation of the hoplon and, albeit to a lesser extent, the heavy bronze armour. The mere presence of the Greek-style hoplon was often thought to necessitate densely-packed formations of heavy infantry, simply by virtue of its design.
The large circular shield was believed to be too unwieldy for individual combat, while the use of the central porpax a central metal band meant to carry the weight of the shield on the forearm would have supposedly created an overlap to the left of the bearer which would have been ideally suited to a dense formation. This interpretation of the hoplon and the associated heavy bronze armour has, however, undergone a massive revision in recent years.
Indeed, the closed helmet and full body armour would have arguably been redundant in a dense formation, where the formation itself would have provided the vast majority of the protection. This is something which can be seen during the Classical period of Greek warfare as various pieces of equipment are slowly dropped from the standard panoply until only the shield, spear and helmet are deemed essential in the Athenian phalanx by the mid-fourth century BC, with the minimal armour worn by the soldiers of the sarissa phalanx of Philip II and Alexander of Macedon possibly representing the culmination of development.
This argument, although by no means universally accepted, would actually turn the interpretation of hoplon and bronze armour finds on its head, as it might suggest the presence of this equipment in fact indicates an individual approach to combat. It naturally does not rule out the use of a phalanx formation as well, but it suggests that the formation may have developed despite the heavy equipment instead of because of it, likely driven by social forces and not technological determinism.
The development of these models for early Greek warfare has naturally muddied the water quite a bit for early Roman warfare, as it has removed the most obvious reading of the limited finds we have and opened up an entire range of alternative interpretations.
Thankfully though, it has also stopped the glossing-over of finds and evidence which did not fit neatly into a mode of warfare which utilized hoplite phalanxes.
Most notably this included evidence for a range of different weapons, and particularly the widespread use of axes in military contexts, as axe heads have been found in the vast majority of graves containing other identifiable military equipment and reliefs featuring warriors from Central Italy.
There are also a number of bronze shields which were interpreted as hoplons because of their circular shape, but which were clearly never meant to be used in combat as they lacked the wooden backing which provides the ultimate strength — instead the small central handle was attached directly to the bronze sheet which formed the front, creating a beautiful, but ultimately entirely decorative, piece of equipment.
Added to this diverse range of equipment finds are a series of artistic depictions of warriors, again and unfortunately almost always found in either burial or explicitly religious contexts, which may shed some additional light on the matter.
These include the ubiquitous warrior figurines found in graves throughout Central Italy, tomb and sarcophagus paintings largely found in Etruria , temple sculptures and vase paintings. All of these types of art defy a clear and detailed interpretation for a number of reasons. First, the artist who created the item may not have been attempting to depict local practice, or indeed anything practical, when creating the work.
Archaeologists must assume that the finished piece had some sort of cultural resonance with the local community which ultimately incorporated it into their funerary or religious practice, but what that resonance was is uncertain.
For instance, a figurine or vase painting may have depicted a local warrior, a mythic or heroic figure, a god, a Greek warrior, an interpretation of what a Greek warrior looked like, etc. There are a few constants running through the artistic and iconographic corpus for Central Italy, however, which are consistent enough, and also align with the more concrete military equipment finds, which may be indicative of local norms.
These include the regular use of heavy armour on the torso, including both bronze and linen cuirasses, an overall preference for more open helmets and the use of a wide range of weapons, including swords, spears and axes. There also seems to have been a very strong connection between both military equipment and warrior depictions and elite status. This correlation can also be seen in other graves from around Central Italy, most notably from Castel di Decima and Praeneste in Latium, and many sites, like Tarquinia, in southern Etruria.
Warrior figurines and military equipment finds drop off substantially in Latium during the sixth century BC, but the few finds which have been excavated from the sixth and fifth centuries BC — for instance the famous Lanuvium warrior burial, dated to c. Finally, when looking at the physical remains for warfare in Central Italy, one must also consider fortifications and city defences.
For Central Italy, this evidence is puzzling as many communities, including Rome, did invest in fortifications during the seventh and sixth centuries BC, but they were usually simple affairs which only protected the easiest access routes.
The first clearly identifiable fortifications at Rome are the agger and fossa rampart and ditch which cut across the Esquiline plateau, often dated to the sixth century BC based on pottery finds within the fill. Very similar to contemporary fortifications at other Latin sites, this agger and fossa took advantage of the natural topography of the community and protected the easiest route into the area from the east.
The fortifications were extremely limited though and left large areas unprotected. This has led many scholars to suggest that these defences were designed to guard against raids and not as protection from sieges or major assaults. So the final picture we have from the archaeological and artistic evidence for warfare during the Regal period seems to be one of aristocratic dominance.
Military equipment and warrior iconography are only found associated with high status graves and adorn temples and tombs which were built by the aristocracy. This does not rule out participation in warfare by members of the lower class as well — but there is no evidence for it either. The evidence for the Roman army during the Regal period is, ultimately then, contradictory. On the one hand we have the explicit testimony of the ancient sources which present a clear and coherent sequence of military development in a series of detailed asides, which envisaged a state-centred tribal army being created under Romulus and transformed into something resembling a civic militia, possibly based on a Greek-style hoplite phalanx, during the reign of Servius Tullius in the sixth century BC.
Outside of these few explanatory asides however, the literary evidence paints a picture of an army and a style of warfare that was much more aristocratic and heroic in nature. Far from being based on state-centred aims, warfare was conducted for booty and glory and short-term goals. Military equipment was, and would remain, personal property and the type of equipment used in Archaic Central Italy is increasingly interpreted as being best suited for individual, and not group, action.
Even the construction of fortifications is unlikely to have involved and included the full community. The power of imperium is what bound a powerful clan leader, or warlord, to the community of Rome and to the army. Although we naturally have extremely limited and problematic information for this power in the Archaic period, as all of our evidence comes from later periods when imperium may have changed and evolved, it seems to have given an external leader the power to control, command and effectively integrate the members of the community into his own clan-based military model.
A rex, via imperium, represented a powerful father figure to those in his army, with all of the power that a Roman paterfamilias would have wielded — including the power of life or death and the ability to judge those under his control. This relationship clearly had power both ways, as the inclusion of community members in the army and retinue of a warlord would have changed the character of the power dynamic within.
The Roman army of the fifth century BC obviously reflected the social and political changes occurring in Rome, although the development was evidently subtle. Although military equipment disappears almost entirely from the archaeological record for the fifth century BC in Latium, what little evidence we do have most notably the Lanuvium warrior burial, dated to c. Roman and Latin warriors still seem to have equipped themselves in heavy bronze armour when they could, although there is some evidence for increased use of cheaper variations like the linen cuirass linothorax.
There are also gradual developments in helmet type, generally favouring cheaper options, although largely maintaining the previously existing style and function.
The core of the army, however, remained the traditional forces of the gentes and they seem to have continued to use predominantly thrusting spears and the occasional sword in combat, which still seems to have been focused largely on individual duelling in close combat. The real differences in the army, as discussed above, were in organization — although this would ultimately have a significant impact on how the army would have behaved in the field. The gradual transition from a fundamentally gentilicial or clan-based military structure, to one based on the community, seems to have resulted in a certain level of disorder in the ranks — as in the second half of the fifth century BC there are suddenly references to armies acting in a mutinous or disobedient fashion.
Although this new system seems to have resulted in the possibility of slightly larger armies, it did not always result in more effective armies — and particularly not for the powerful, clan-based elite. Major General Horace Smith-Dorrien could not believe what he was seeing. Throughout the scorching South African summer day the British infantry had been ordered into reckless frontal assaults against an entrenched Boer position.
The task had been hopeless. The famous Afrikaner marksmen had gunned down the attackers time and again. The dusty veld was carpeted with khaki-clad bodies that revealed the futility of the British tactics. But now, yet another attack was being formed up in the early evening light. Watching through binoculars, Smith-Dorrien looked on in dismay as the British line rose from cover with a roar and moved forward at the double. A crash of rifle fire burst from the Boer line in response.
Officers leading the advance with swords drawn were prime targets and were swiftly picked off. The British line convulsed as bullets ripped through its ranks. Gaps appeared. Survivors bunched together, pushing forward, stepping over the fallen of earlier assaults.
The Boers concentrated fire on these heroic pockets and mowed them down. Within minutes it was all over.
The attack had simply been destroyed. The attack left a deep impression on Smith-Dorrien. Surely there had to be a better way of making war? In December the visionary science fiction author H. The prescient tale took place during a thinly disguised reimagining of the Boer War, where an army representing the British became deadlocked by the trenches of their opponents. After a month of stalemate, a bold new weapon takes to the field — the land ironclads of the title, mechanical behemoths one hundred feet in length, studded with guns and guided by huge searchlights.
The mechanical monsters prove invulnerable to the rifle fire of the enemy and crush the defences with ease. In years to come, Wells would look back with pride on his prediction of armoured warfare. Unfortunately for the British Army, the technology described in the story still lay in the future. Working with the equipment that was available, a number of officers proposed the use of bulletproof, man-portable shields that could be carried or rolled across the ground. Numerous experiments took place in Britain and India.
Disappointingly, all work with the shields proved unsatisfactory. The devices were heavy and unwieldy, and it was soon found that they were only mobile on firm, flat ground. However, an unorthodox and intriguing design emerged in After several uncomfortable experiences driving trucks over rough terrain, Australian inventor Lancelot de Mole designed a caterpillar-tracked transporter that could carry heavy loads across battlefields.
Although he envisaged a transport rather than a fighting vehicle, de Mole suggested that his machine would be capable of crossing trenches and sufficiently armoured to withstand enemy fire. De Mole forwarded his proposal to the British War Office. In a stroke of good fortune, the design was brought to the attention of General Sir Ian Hamilton.
Earlier in his career Hamilton had favoured the use of super heavy artillery and had been intrigued by the idea of using steam traction engines to haul it into battle. The resulting report was issued in early and drew a very favourable conclusion. Unfortunately, the scandal of the Curragh incident7 in March and command reshuffle that followed distracted the authorities and the report was largely forgotten. The outbreak of war in August came with armoured technology still beyond reach. Instead, the British Expeditionary Force marched into battle relying on suppressing fire, use of cover, and extended formations to keep its infantry safe.
These methods served well enough in the defensive battles of August But the casualties suffered attempting to storm the German trenches at the Battle of the Aisne in September gave a stark warning that the killing power of modern weapons now far exceeded those that had been used in the Boer War. Defenders occupying earthworks could inflict severe losses on any attacker whilst suffering comparatively few in return. This imbalance between attack and defence led to the trench deadlock that took hold of the Western Front at the end of The lines ran from the Channel coast to the Swiss border.
There were no flanks to turn, no room for manoeuvre, and seemingly no way through the barbed wire, machine guns, and artillery fire of the defenders. The British Army cast about for solutions to the impasse. Amongst the many officers drawing up proposals was the official war correspondent Ernest Swinton.
An intelligent and imaginative man, Swinton remembered a conversation with a friend who had once suggested that civilian tractors running on caterpillar tracks might have some military application. Amongst various suggestions for the conduct of the war there was a paragraph that spoke of the future. Speak, you ancient miscreants! Amunet: It does not smell great, but almighty Toth-Ra decreed this is where I am to live. Webby : He'll never buy that. Huey: indignant I've got a Junior Woodchuck badge in sickle sharpening that says otherwise!
Scrooge: This is the dumbest rebellion I have ever been part of. Louie: What?! You were helping him try to kill us?! Webby: If I'm gonna be sacrificed, I'm gonna do it right! Scrooge: Where are we going? Army: The pharaoh's throne room! Scrooge: And what are we going to do? Army: Anything he asks! Scrooge: No! You're going to stand up for yourselves while I rescue my kids! Jackal guy: Right.
But if we attack Toth-Ra and he tells us to surrender, we should do that. Scrooge Face Palms. Webby: Yes, the mummy's real! Scrooge: Where's Louie? Scrooge: Never mind, I found him. Scrooge: Is any of this making sense? Amunet: This was never about burritos! Scrooge: genuinely surprised It wasn't?
Amunet: Told ya. That beetle could have said anything. Amunet: Agh! The sun god is angry! Everybody back inside! Scrooge gives her a pair of sunglasses Launchpad: Yeah, we'll have quasadillas, 50 tostadas Episode 9: The Impossible Summit of Mt.
The episode starts out with what seems to be the group chilling in the plane as they're headed towards their destination. However, Launchpad later appears in the window to tell them the doors were now open. He crashed yet again. Scrooge calls George Mallardy a quitter for not making it to the top of Neverrest. Louie: You realize there's a difference between quitting and dying, right?
Scrooge: Not to me. Louie : tosses away his climbing gear and walks away Nope. Louie out! Launchpad: Louie put it on his corporate credit card. Scrooge: Louie doesn't have a corporate credit card. Launchpad: Oh. Dewey: smugly Maximum, opportune, moment. Webby: muffled Ugh. Dewey: glances down I think that would technically be more falling than sledding. Webby: looks mildly disappointed. Scrooge: Och, jings! If I had a nickel for every person who cursed me with their dying breath, I'd be twice as rich as I already am.
Scrooge: What? He was a backstabbing-braggart who almost got me killed! Scrooge: We're almost to the top of Neverrest! Ha, ha, ha!! Scrooge: Consider yourself! Episode The Spear of Selene! Launchpad is initially perfectly unfazed by the lightning striking all around the plane.
Launchpad : Aw, come on, a little lightning never killed anyone! Huey : Statistically speaking-! Donald: Acquaintances! Huey and Louie: Whoo! Donald and Scrooge : Ah, phooey. Dewey: If my mom can make it across, then so can I! Webby: It's okay. It's okay. We only have to do that one more time to get out. Scrooge : No good ever came from a creepy child singing!
Douie: So, where's the Spear of Selene, Selene? Selene: What spear? Dewey: The one Della took from your garden. Selene: Materializes a glowing sphere You mean the Sphere of Selene? Dewey: Why does no one get what I'm saying?! Louie : Zeus just wants to use you.
I want to use you to make us both rich. Zeus: NO!! Scrooge: We should go now. Episode Beware the B. The Cold Open is essentially a lost Darkwing Duck episode. Highlights of a two minute clip include Quackerjack using toy chattering teeth to show he's scared Mr. Banana Brain is a member of this heist but is not Paddywhack. He's just there. Megavolt is furious someone broke the bulbs Darkwing admits his intro may be a bit long. After Launchpad mentions that the actor playing Darkwing does his own stunts, there is a close up of Darkwing on the ground after a bad fall, feebly telling the cameraman "Keep rolling.
Dewey: Mustard, looks less like blood. Dewey: after finding out Launchpad just got his drivers license Uh, wait what? Launchpad: Ah, come on! I have a pilot's license, don't I? Wait, don't I? Scrooge : Stop having mail delivered to my office.
That's for incoming checks and death threats only. Fenton : dejected That's all I do all the time. Gyro : Well, do it better! Manny: tapping his hoof on the floor Who is this? Borderline Awesome when you realize Fenton can understand him despite the hoof-tapping being nowhere near the mouthpiece of the phone.
Gyro: Dummy! There are some dummies here to see you. Fenton: At your beck and call, doctor Gearloose! I heard everything. Fenton: after a lengthy and fast-talking Techno Babble Did you get all that? Beaks: I definitely could. Gizmoduck: Call me- Lil' Bulb crashes into him Gizmoduuuuuuuuuuuuuck! Episode The Missing Links of Moorshire! Huey's face as he has to either warn people of Launchpad's incoming golf cart, and clearly regretting having Launchpad as his co-host in order to earn his Junior Woodchuck badge.
Launchpad: as the car sinks This lake will be used for the swimming portion of this program! Launchpad: He's probably worried Glomgold will use his one free tackle before the speed round in the third quarter.
Huey: What do you think is happening here? Launchpad: One heck of a game! Dewey : Are you guys kidding me? A chance to learn the sport our family invented, from the greatest player who ever lived I assume because I don't follow golf, I want in!
Glomgold: Holy haggis! It stayed on the course! It went forward! And I'm not on fire! That may be the best shot I've ever taken! Huey : calm monotone It helps me feel in control during a frankly insane situation. Launchpad: same tone I like talking this way 'cause it makes everything sound important. Baloney trampoline. Briar: I'm the small girl duck. You can definitely trust me!
Glomgold : Matter-of-factly Oh, I see. Shakes his fist at Scrooge Curse yeh, Mc Duck! Curse yeh and my love of moment-savorin'! Huey: Scrooge taking his time, I'm not sure why, there are lives at stake. Briar: Sorry, it was a rushed job. Bramble: We really didn't expect you to make it. Launchpad: "They look like tasty eggs!Tobacco in Austria is a government monopoly; cigars are made by the government and sold to the retail dealers at a discount of five per cent., and this is the only profit allowed. Whether you, as a smoker, buy one cigar, five cigars, five hundred or five thousand, you pay the same price per stuck.